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Trust in the prosperity-generating power of free trade and open markets had been shaken. Culturally, many people felt overwhelmed and social transformation couldn't keep up with technological progress, even though this process had begun decades before.
He says he sees a similar lag today. As a species, classic industrial workers have been perceived as threatened since the s, but it was only recently that left- and right-wing anti-globalization forces started articulating their anger over this loss, says Nolte.
But other analogies to the Weimar Republic years are also emerging. During the most recent election in the city of Berlin in September, the center-left Social Democratic Party SPD got only 22 percent of the vote, with six parties entering into the city-state parliament, including a strong left wing with the Left Party at close to 16 percent and right wing with the AfD at 14 percent.
Erosion of the strength of the country's traditional mainstream parties, the SPD and the conservative Christian Democrats CDU , combined with the rise of third parties is evocative of Germany in the s.
Then as now, distrust of institutions grew, including democratically elected bodies and their representatives. Then as now, there was a growing sense of longing for security and a self-sufficient economy.
Then as now, companies, particularly big ones, faced criticism because they appeared to put profits above all else, including the interests of workers or the places where the companies were located.
Americans, meanwhile, began criticizing the power held by large corporations at the end of the 19th century -- the so-called trusts in the oil, steel and railway industries in the United States.
The robber barons -- the Rockefellers, the Vanderbilts or the Carnegies -- controlled markets seemingly at will and built up true empires. It took broad public protest before the US took action to limit these companies.
The anti-trust laws created at the time are still applied today when, for example, the Federal Trade Commission investigates a company like Google over potential abuse of its market power, as it is currently doing.
Similar efforts are needed again today, but on a global scale. The global economy can only recover if we succeed in pushing back against financial speculation and limiting the power of corporations.
Of paramount importance, however, is regaining the trust of the people. The burdens need to be distributed more fairly.
At the most recent G meeting, Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, a former banker at Goldman-Sachs of all people, warned of the need to "civilize capitalism.
That, argues Berlin economist Enderlein, is the third phase of the current era of globalization. The first lasted until and marked years of unbridled growth.
Then came the second phase, the years of the financial and euro crises. Taxpayers assumed the lion's share of the costs and burdens, and the elites got away relatively unscathed.
So now we've reached phase three: It's time to reshape globalization. If we do see the kind of reverse in globalization that many fear following Donald Trump's election , Germany stands to be a major loser.
Phase three starts at home, in each individual country. Well-conceived tax and transfer systems can hinder further growth in the gap between rich and poor.
Going by the Gini coefficient, average incomes in Germany are almost at the same level as those in the United States -- at least before taxes, social transfers and pension payments are made.
But once that redistribution takes place, the country's salaries are 10 percent lower than those in the US. Countries also need to do more to ensure that those being left behind by the forces of globalization are provided with things like a sustainable social safety net and a minimum wage to prevent them from falling further.
Most of all, states need to invest in education so that as few people as possible fall victim to structural change. But that will require the kind of money that corporations are currently denying governments.
That's why preventing tax evasion will be one of the most important tasks in the coming years. US economist and Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz has even called for the elimination of tax havens and for the European Union and the United States to apply a minimum tax rate of 15 to 20 percent to all multinational companies.
The idea sounds revolutionary in its simplicity. It's about shifting the burden of proof: Companies would be forced to prove that they did, in fact, pay reasonable taxes on their profits.
Otherwise, they would have to pay tax in a different country. The implementation of this idea, though, will remain a utopian fantasy as long as individual countries continue to pursue their own interests.
Washington does, of course, want to see companies like Apple and Google pay more taxes, but back at home in the US. In the era of digitalization, it is also almost impossible to determine where the money for many products was actually earned -- and thus, where the taxes should be paid.
A tightening of competition law, as complicated as that might be in the era of globalization and digitalization, is likewise necessary.
Small Internet and pharmaceutical companies are often swallowed by large conglomerates, sometimes even for prices in the lower double-digit billions, before they have the chance to become any kind of threat to these bigger firms.
The cartel authorities often have their hands tied when it comes to developments like the acquisition of WhatsApp by Facebook or LinkedIn by Microsoft because cartel law is frequently still based on old world paradigms whereby the leading factor is the size of revenues generated by a company.
On both the issue of taxation and competition, the EU and the US appear to be irreconcilable antagonists. American politicians accuse Europeans of trying to protect their uncompetitive Internet economy using illegal means.
Meanwhile, EU politicians counter that the United States is weakening the ability of European companies to compete in the form of draconian fines of the kind imposed on VW in the Dieselgate scandal and that currently threaten Deutsche Bank.
Europeans view these developments as acts of revenge tied to the procedures taken against Apple and Google and as harbingers of a possible trade war.
He argues there should be something like a secretary-general for the global economy. Unfortunately, that's a pipe dream.
Organizations are already in place like the International Monetary Fund, in which each country can represent its individual interests. And there are also regular meetings of the G-7 and the G member states that seldom deliver anything beyond non-binding exchanges of views.
What's missing are global mechanisms "for getting a handle on global problems," says William White. The problem, for example, that the central banks lower interest rates and, by doing so, shore up their own economies at the expense of their competitors.
It was aimed at creating a system of fixed exchange rates pegged to the dollar to ensure stability and prevent extreme imbalances in the global economy and to prevent competitive devaluations.
These are precisely the problems the global economy is struggling with today. Back then, the international community agreed to a solution.
Today, though, we once again find ourselves with a need for strong global institutions and global rules.
We need a little more globalization in order to preserve the positive forces it represents and to eliminate the drawbacks.
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